Numoru Analytics · April 2026
Velocity and acceleration across fifteen Mexican presidencies
Quantitative evaluation of Mexico's 15 presidential administrations (1934–2024). Nine variables, verifiable primary sources, contextualized against LatAm-5.
Executive Summary
Eight findings that summarize nine decades of Mexican structural acceleration, from Cárdenas to AMLO.
Central principle. This report evaluates presidents by velocity and acceleration of change, not absolute levels. A leader who inherits 50% poverty and lowers it to 45% (vel.=−1 pp/year) is rated higher than one who inherits 30% and lowers it to 28% (vel.=−0.33 pp/year). Inherited structural context is always discounted via the IDC.
The long poverty cycle (1940–2024)
From 80% (Cárdenas) to 29.6% (AMLO): 50 points in 84 years. Continuous decline 1940–1976, reversal during De la Madrid (+7pp after the 1982 crisis), neoliberal stagnation 1988–2018, and final acceleration 2018–2024 (−2.05 pp/year, highest in the CONEVAL series).
The miracle and its collapse (1940–1982)
Seven consecutive sexenios with GDP > 5.8%. Post-1982 no president exceeds 4%. Stabilizing development + ISI = an unrepeated historical exception.
The 1982 fracture
GDP 0.1% annually — the worst sexenio since 1934. TFP −1.7 (historic low). Combination of inherited crisis under López Portillo + Volcker shock + orthodox adjustment.
The violence arc (1940–2024)
Secular decline from 40 to 11 homicides/100k (Cárdenas→Fox, −72% over 66 years). Structural break under Calderón 2006–2012 (+100%). Inertia 2.8× — the stickiest variable in the model.
Inheriting vs. handing over crises
Three documented terminal crises: Echeverría −8%, López Portillo −15%, Salinas −20%. Retroactive penalty symmetrical to the issuing president.
Establishment alignment (IAE)
Positive extremes: Alemán, Díaz Ordaz, Salinas, Peña Nieto (IAE=+14, merit discounted). Negative extremes: AMLO (−6), Cárdenas (−4) — governed against elites, merit amplified.
Robust ranking with explicit uncertainty
Top 4: AMLO 7.77 · Cárdenas 7.74 · Peña Nieto 5.39 · Salinas 4.97. Bootstrap 95% CIs overlap between #1–2 and between #3–4: honest statistical ties.
Material reality panels
Six cross-validation indicators: life expectancy (41→75 years), infant mortality (230→13/1000), top 10% inequality, gross fixed capital formation, migration, and forestry capital.
Historical Ranking
Fifteen presidencies sorted by composite score v6.0 with 95% bootstrap confidence intervals. Click any row to expand.
| № | Presidency | Score | Final |
|---|---|---|---|
| 01 | AMLO2018–2024 | 7.77 | |
| 02 | Cárdenas1934–1940 | 7.74 | |
| 03 | Peña Nieto2012–2018 | 5.39 | |
| 04 | Salinas1988–1994 | 4.97 | |
| 05 | López Mateos1958–1964 | 4.31 | |
| 06 | Ruiz Cortines1952–1958 | 3.48 | |
| 07 | Zedillo1994–2000 | 3.38 | |
| 08 | Ávila Camacho1940–1946 | 3.35 | |
| 09 | Díaz Ordaz1964–1970 | 3.28 | |
| 10 | Fox2000–2006 | 2.62 | |
| 11 | De la Madrid1982–1988 | 2.47 | |
| 12 | Alemán1946–1952 | 2.46 | |
| 13 | López Portillo1976–1982 | 2.23 | |
| 14 | Echeverría1970–1976 | 1.86 | |
| 15 | Calderón2006–2012 | 1.63 |
Multipliers: tfp_adj ∈ [0.80, 1.20] · vol_adj ∈ [0.90, 1.10] · gini_adj ∈ [0.88, 1.12] · inv_adj ∈ [0.90, 1.10] · legislative_adj ∈ [0.88, 1.04]. Top-3 SET stable in 6/7 sensitivity scenarios.
Methodological Adjustments
Seven symmetric universal stages applied identically to all 15 presidents.
gini_adj = clamp(1 + 0.08 × (−Δgini_annual_pp), 0.88, 1.12)
| President | Gini start | Gini end | Δ annual (pp) | gini_adj | Conf. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | 0.580 | 0.555 | -0.417 | ×1.033 | E |
| Ávila Camacho | 0.555 | 0.548 | -0.117 | ×1.009 | E |
| Alemán | 0.548 | 0.551 | +0.050 | ×0.996 | E |
| Ruiz Cortines | 0.551 | 0.544 | -0.117 | ×1.009 | E |
| López Mateos | 0.544 | 0.540 | -0.067 | ×1.005 | E |
| Díaz Ordaz | 0.540 | 0.577 | +0.617 | ×0.951 | E |
| Echeverría | 0.577 | 0.535 | -0.700 | ×1.056 | E |
| López Portillo | 0.535 | 0.510 | -0.417 | ×1.033 | E |
| De la Madrid | 0.510 | 0.540 | +0.500 | ×0.960 | A |
| Salinas | 0.540 | 0.541 | +0.017 | ×0.999 | V |
| Zedillo | 0.541 | 0.506 | -0.583 | ×1.047 | V |
| Fox | 0.506 | 0.506 | +0.000 | ×1.000 | V |
| Calderón | 0.506 | 0.498 | -0.133 | ×1.011 | V |
| Peña Nieto | 0.498 | 0.474 | -0.400 | ×1.032 | V |
| AMLO | 0.474 | 0.440 | -0.567 | ×1.045 | V |
Sensitivity — Ranking Robustness
| Scenario | Top 3 | Stable set |
|---|---|---|
| no gini | Cárdenas, AMLO, Peña Nieto | YES |
| no volatility | AMLO, Cárdenas, Peña Nieto | YES |
| no inv quality | Cárdenas, AMLO, Peña Nieto | YES |
| no tfp | Cárdenas, AMLO, Peña Nieto | YES |
| no legislative | AMLO, Cárdenas, Peña Nieto | YES |
| v5 baseline | Cárdenas, AMLO, Salinas | NO |
| bootstrap mean | AMLO, Cárdenas, Peña Nieto | YES |
Robust ranking: 6/7 — YES
Scorecard by Variable
Performance of fifteen presidencies across nine dimensions. Green ≥7 · Yellow 4–7 · Orange 2–4 · Red <2.
| President | PIB 17% | Pobreza 15% | Empleo 13% | Violencia 13% | Pobreza 9% | Activos 9% | Recaudación 8% | Activos 8% | Gasto 8% | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| AMLO2018–2024 | 5.6 | 10.0 | 6.1 | 10.0 | 5.6 | 3.5 | 10.0 | 8.1 | 7.5 | 7.77 |
| Cárdenas1934–1940 | 10.0 | 5.9 | 8.9 | 9.4 | 4.0 | 9.4 | 6.1 | 9.4 | 4.0 | 7.74 |
| Peña Nieto2012–2018 | 6.4 | 4.2 | 8.2 | 0.0 | 10.0 | 1.7 | 9.8 | 4.4 | 1.9 | 5.39 |
| Salinas1988–1994 | 7.6 | 1.2 | 10.0 | 3.5 | 4.3 | 5.1 | 0.0 | 5.2 | 5.6 | 4.97 |
| López Mateos1958–1964 | 6.3 | 4.3 | 3.2 | 5.1 | 3.1 | 5.5 | 1.3 | 3.5 | 3.1 | 4.31 |
| Ruiz Cortines1952–1958 | 6.4 | 5.0 | 3.5 | 2.9 | 2.7 | 4.8 | 0.1 | 0.9 | 0.0 | 3.48 |
| Zedillo1994–2000 | 0.8 | 3.0 | 2.5 | 7.0 | 1.6 | 6.6 | 0.0 | 9.2 | 4.2 | 3.38 |
| Ávila Camacho1940–1946 | 6.1 | 4.3 | 5.9 | 3.4 | 0.4 | 0.8 | 1.2 | 2.5 | 0.7 | 3.35 |
| Díaz Ordaz1964–1970 | 4.4 | 5.2 | 2.8 | 3.2 | 4.7 | 0.2 | 2.0 | 2.9 | 2.2 | 3.28 |
| Fox2000–2006 | 0.9 | 3.0 | 2.8 | 2.9 | 9.1 | 1.8 | 0.0 | 0.7 | 6.7 | 2.62 |
| De la Madrid1982–1988 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 5.9 | 0.0 | 10.0 | 4.1 | 8.0 | 0.0 | 2.47 |
| Alemán1946–1952 | 1.1 | 2.5 | 4.3 | 4.1 | 1.5 | 0.3 | 4.5 | 3.5 | 0.0 | 2.46 |
| López Portillo1976–1982 | 9.3 | 0.0 | 0.1 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 3.9 | 0.0 | 1.9 | 2.23 |
| Echeverría1970–1976 | 0.2 | 2.3 | 0.0 | 1.5 | 3.3 | 0.5 | 4.0 | 0.0 | 5.5 | 1.86 |
| Calderón2006–2012 | 0.0 | 0.7 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 2.9 | 1.2 | 10.0 | 0.0 | 6.4 | 1.63 |
Structural Charts
GDP by sexenio, z-score vs. LatAm-5, and composite ranking decomposition.
Real GDP — Average Annual Growth per Sexenio (%)
Implicit red line: 2.5% = population growth. Sources: Maddison Project (pre-1960), INEGI SCN (1960-2024).
GDP Z-Score vs LatAm-5 — Contextual Adjustment
z = (vel_MEX − μ_LatAm5) / σ_LatAm5 · adj = clamp(1 + 0.30z, 0.70, 1.30)
| President | MEX GDP% | μ LatAm | σ LatAm | z-score | Adjustment |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | 4.5% | 1.18 | 0.23 | +2.68 | ×1.200 |
| Ávila Camacho | 6.1% | 1.68 | 0.25 | +3.30 | ×1.200 |
| Alemán | 5.8% | 1.64 | 0.52 | +0.70 | ×1.174 |
| Ruiz Cortines | 6% | 1.70 | 0.79 | +1.02 | ×1.200 |
| López Mateos | 6.7% | 1.94 | 0.39 | +1.93 | ×1.200 |
| Díaz Ordaz | 6.9% | 1.86 | 0.74 | +0.86 | ×1.200 |
| Echeverría | 6.2% | 1.44 | 1.35 | -0.33 | ×0.918 |
| López Portillo | 6.4% | 0.60 | 1.21 | -0.08 | ×0.979 |
| De la Madrid | 0.1% | -0.70 | 1.23 | -0.81 | ×0.800 |
| Salinas | 3.9% | 1.64 | 1.51 | -0.82 | ×0.800 |
| Zedillo | 3.4% | 1.10 | 1.09 | -0.73 | ×0.817 |
| Fox | 2.2% | 1.66 | 0.66 | -3.41 | ×0.800 |
| Calderón | 1.9% | 2.16 | 0.71 | -4.05 | ×0.800 |
| Peña Nieto | 2.3% | 0.24 | 0.84 | -0.29 | ×0.929 |
| AMLO | 0.9% | 0.06 | 0.64 | +0.69 | ×1.172 |
Power Map
Establishment alignment — elites, media, U.S., Church, armed forces, and organized crime. Governing WITH the establishment reduces merit (mult < 1.0). Governing AGAINST it amplifies merit.
| President | Élites | Medios | Org.intern. | EE.UU. | Legislativo | Judicial | FF.AA. | Sindicatos | Iglesia | Crimen | IAE | Mult. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | -2 | -2 | -2 | -2 | +2 | -1 | +2 | +2 | -1 | +0 | – | |
| Ávila Camacho | +1 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +0 | – | |
| Alemán | +2 | +2 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +1 | +0 | – | |
| Ruiz Cortines | +1 | +1 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +1 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +0 | – | |
| López Mateos | +1 | +1 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +1 | +2 | -1 | +1 | +0 | – | |
| Díaz Ordaz | +2 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +0 | – | |
| Echeverría | -2 | -1 | -1 | -2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | -1 | +0 | – | |
| López Portillo | +1 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +1 | -1 | – | |
| De la Madrid | -1 | +1 | +1 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +2 | -1 | +1 | -1 | – | |
| Salinas | +2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +1 | +1 | -1 | – | |
| Zedillo | -1 | +0 | +1 | +2 | -1 | +1 | +2 | -1 | +1 | -1 | – | |
| Fox | +1 | -1 | +1 | +1 | -2 | +0 | +1 | -1 | +1 | -1 | – | |
| Calderón | +1 | -1 | +1 | +2 | -1 | +0 | +2 | -1 | +1 | -3 | – | |
| Peña Nieto | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +2 | +2 | +2 | +1 | +1 | -2 | – | |
| AMLO | -2 | -2 | -1 | -1 | +2 | -2 | +2 | +1 | +0 | -3 | – |
Universal Legacy
Symmetric t+0→t+2 measurement of the successor's performance as a proxy for the inheritance received. Universal rule applied identically to all 15.
legacy_adj = clamp(1 + 0.10×z, 0.85, 1.15)
| President | Successor | Legacy Score | z (vs 14) | legacy_adj |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | Ávila Camacho | 0.606 | +1.11 | ×1.111 |
| Ávila Camacho | Alemán | 0.365 | +0.47 | ×1.047 |
| Alemán | Ruiz Cortines | 0.520 | +0.88 | ×1.088 |
| Ruiz Cortines | López Mateos | 0.621 | +1.15 | ×1.115 |
| López Mateos | Díaz Ordaz | 0.215 | +0.07 | ×1.007 |
| Díaz Ordaz | Echeverría | -0.176 | -0.97 | ×0.903 |
| Echeverría | López Portillo | -0.469 | -1.76 | ×0.850 |
| López Portillo | De la Madrid | -0.307 | -1.32 | ×0.868 |
| De la Madrid | Salinas | 0.527 | +0.90 | ×1.090 |
| Salinas | Zedillo | 0.531 | +0.91 | ×1.091 |
| Zedillo | Fox | 0.063 | -0.34 | ×0.966 |
| Fox | Calderón | -0.357 | -1.46 | ×0.855 |
| Calderón | Peña Nieto | 0.029 | -0.43 | ×0.957 |
| Peña Nieto | AMLO | 0.484 | +0.78 | ×1.078 |
| AMLO | — | — | +0.00 | ×1.000 |
Material Reality
Six hard indicators of lived reality — auxiliary cross-validation panel outside the composite score.
| President | Expectativa de vida al nacer años | Mortalidad infantil (menores 5 años) por 1,000 nacidos vivos | Desigualdad de ingreso (share top 10%) % ingreso pre-tax apropiado por decil superior | Formación Bruta de Capital Fijo (% PIB) % PIB | Migración neta acumulada sexenal miles personas (positivo = ingreso neto) | Cobertura forestal (% territorio) % territorio nacional con cobertura forestal |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| AMLO | 75.3 | 13.3 | 54.5 | 22.6 | -300 | 33.5 |
| Cárdenas | 41.5A | 230A | 52A | 10A | -50A | 50E |
| Peña Nieto | 75.1 | 14.2 | 56.8 | 21.9 | -400 | 33.8 |
| Salinas | 72.2 | 39 | 62 | 21.9 | -2700 | 35.2 |
| López Mateos | 58.6A | 110A | 58A | 17.3A | -350A | 43.5E |
| Ruiz Cortines | 55.3A | 140A | 60A | 15.5A | -250A | 45E |
| Zedillo | 74.1 | 29.5 | 60 | 23.7 | -3400 | 34.6 |
| Ávila Camacho | 45.8A | 200A | 56A | 13A | -120A | 48.5E |
| Díaz Ordaz | 61.4 | 90 | 57A | 20.1 | -400A | 41.8E |
| Fox | 75.1 | 20.4 | 59 | 22.9 | -3900 | 34.3 |
| De la Madrid | 70 | 51 | 60E | 19 | -1800 | 36.5E |
| Alemán | 49.7A | 170A | 59A | 16A | -180A | 46.8E |
| López Portillo | 67.7 | 62 | 58E | 25.4 | -600A | 38.2E |
| Echeverría | 64.5 | 75 | 55A | 22.1 | -500A | 40E |
| Calderón | 74.7 | 16.5 | 57.8 | 22.9 | -500 | 34 |
Growth Accounting
GDP decomposition into capital, labor, and total factor productivity. ΔGDP = α·ΔK + (1−α)·ΔL + ΔTFP with α=0.35.
| President | Period | Total GDP | Capital (K) | Labor (L) | TFP | Interpretation |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | 1934-1940 | 4.5% | +1.2 | +1.5 | +1.8 | — |
| Ávila Camacho | 1940-1946 | 6.1% | +1.8 | +1.8 | +2.5 | Bono demanda USA WWII |
| Alemán | 1946-1952 | 5.8% | +2.2 | +1.6 | +2.0 | — |
| Ruiz Cortines | 1952-1958 | 6% | +2.0 | +1.5 | +2.5 | — |
| López Mateos | 1958-1964 | 6.7% | +2.3 | +1.7 | +2.7 | — |
| Díaz Ordaz | 1964-1970 | 6.9% | +2.5 | +1.9 | +2.5 | — |
| Echeverría | 1970-1976 | 6.2% | +2.8 | +2.4 | +1.0 | Crecimiento via endeudamiento |
| López Portillo | 1976-1982 | 6.4% | +3.4 | +2.5 | +0.5 | Boom petrolero financiado con deuda |
| De la Madrid | 1982-1988 | 0.1% | -0.3 | +2.1 | -1.7 | — |
| Salinas | 1988-1994 | 3.9% | +1.5 | +2.0 | +0.4 | — |
| Zedillo | 1994-2000 | 3.4% | +1.2 | +1.9 | +0.3 | — |
| Fox | 2000-2006 | 2.2% | +1.0 | +1.8 | -0.6 | — |
| Calderón | 2006-2012 | 1.9% | +1.0 | +1.6 | -0.7 | — |
| Peña Nieto | 2012-2018 | 2.3% | +0.9 | +1.4 | +0.0 | — |
| AMLO | 2018-2024 | 2.3% | +0.6 | +1.2 | +0.5 | Bono demográfico agotándose |
Regional Gaps
Coefficient of variation across the 32 federal entities. The territorial fracture hidden by the national average.
| President | End year | CV GDP per capita | CV Poverty | Conf. | Fracture level |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cárdenas | 1940 | — | — | ND | — |
| Ávila Camacho | 1946 | — | — | ND | — |
| Alemán | 1952 | — | — | ND | — |
| Ruiz Cortines | 1958 | — | — | ND | — |
| López Mateos | 1964 | — | — | ND | — |
| Díaz Ordaz | 1970 | 82 | — | A | severe |
| Echeverría | 1976 | 75 | — | A | severe |
| López Portillo | 1982 | 68 | — | A | moderate |
| De la Madrid | 1988 | 72 | — | A | severe |
| Salinas | 1994 | 70.5 | — | V | severe |
| Zedillo | 2000 | 68.2 | — | V | moderate |
| Fox | 2006 | 64 | 35 | V | moderate |
| Calderón | 2012 | 62.5 | 32.8 | V | moderate |
| Peña Nieto | 2018 | 61 | 31.5 | V | moderate |
| AMLO | 2024 | 58.5 | 30.2 | V | low |
2024 extremes: Nuevo León (~USD 23,400) vs Chiapas (~USD 3,900) — ratio 6×
Source Triangulation
Systematic cross-check of every figure against multiple independent sources. HIGH flag if divergence > 10%.
| Period | President | INEGI | WB WDI | IMF WEO | Maddison | Median | Div % | Flag |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1982-1988 | De la Madrid | 0.1 | 0.2 | 0.1 | 0.2 | 0.15 | 100.0% | OK |
| 1988-1994 | Salinas | 3.9 | 3.9 | 3.8 | 3.9 | 3.9 | 2.6% | OK |
| 1994-2000 | Zedillo | 3.4 | 3.5 | 3.5 | 3.4 | 3.45 | 2.9% | OK |
| 2000-2006 | Fox | 2.2 | 2.3 | 2.2 | 2.3 | 2.25 | 4.5% | OK |
| 2006-2012 | Calderón | 1.9 | 2 | 1.9 | 2 | 1.95 | 5.3% | OK |
| 2012-2018 | Peña Nieto | 2.3 | 2.4 | 2.3 | 2.4 | 2.35 | 4.3% | OK |
| 2018-2024 | AMLO | 2.3 | 2.4 | 2.3 | 2.4 | 2.35 | 4.3% | OK |
Methodology
Formulas, weights, and limitations documented honestly.
Raw Score (0-10)
Favorable velocity percentile × 6 (0–6) + acceleration percentile × 4 − 2 (−2 to +2) + Rev+ bonus (+2.0).
Dynamic Inertia
I_dyn = base_inertia × deterioration_level_mult. Levels: 1=drift(×1.0) → 5=spiral(×1.75). Violence has 2.8× inertia.
IDC — Contextual Difficulty Index
IDC = F1×0.25 + F2×0.20 + IAE_mult×0.35 + F4×0.20. IAE carries the largest weight (35%).
Successor Penalty
3 verified cases: Echeverría −8%, López Portillo −15%, Salinas −20%. Criteria: attributable, exploded in the first 2 years, IMF/CEPAL documentation.
Z-score LatAm-5
z = (vel_MEX − μ) / σ. adj = clamp(1 + 0.30z, 0.70, 1.30). Contextualizes against Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Peru.
Labor Quality Adjustment q_cal
q_cal = clamp(1 + 0.05·real_wage − 0.04·Δinf, 0.80, 1.20). Corrects employment using real wages + informality.
Absolute GDP Level Cap q_niv
cap_gdp = 10 × min(1, GDP%/4.0). 4% threshold = historical sexennial median. Only Peña Nieto reached the cap.
Bootstrap & Uncertainty
1,000 simulations with randomized weights → 95% CI. The ranking shows which positions are robust and which overlap.
Limitations and notes
• Pre-2008 poverty data: academic estimates NOT comparable with the CONEVAL multidimensional measurement.
• Health excluded from scoring: verified institutional volatility (Seguro Popular → INSABI → IMSS-Bienestar) caused swings of up to 18pp due to renaming.
• Privatizations: only count as intergenerational assets if they meet 3 criteria: real competition + market price + no bailout within 10 years.
• LatAm-5 context: pre-1960 series come from the Maddison Project with greater uncertainty (confidence="E").
• Labor quality / outsourcing: q_cal does not directly measure the precarization via outsourcing 2012–2021. No comparable historical series exists pre-REPSE.
• IAE_mult — documented adjustments: Cárdenas and AMLO deviate by ~0.02 from the standard formula.
Disclaimer
This evaluation combines verifiable quantitative data with informed judgment. Scores are not purely algorithmic. The results do not constitute professional advice. All methodology and source data are documented and reproducible.
Licensing & commercial use
This dashboard is open data. It is also a product: we license it to media, academia, consultancies and think tanks that want the same methodology applied to other countries, states or time series.
The methodology (regional Z-score, contextual difficulty index, bootstrap, synthetic control) is reusable for other contexts: elections in other LATAM countries, state/municipal performance, corporate comparatives, any sector with public time series.
- Full dataset CSV
- MIT calculation code
- CC-BY 4.0 attribution
- Academic & editorial use
- Embed on your domain
- White-label branding
- Quarterly updates
- Automated PDF exports
- Commercial use (media / consultancies)
- Full data engineering
- Replicable dashboard
- Methodological paper
- Executive workshop
- Hosting + maintenance 12 mo
Typical buyers: national media during election cycles, public-policy think tanks, country-risk consultancies, academic programs in political science and economics.